Historical Britain Blog

Robert Curthose, son of William the Conqueror

Posted on December 30, 2012 | by Mercedes Rochelle | 4 Comments

*Tomb of Robert Curthose from Gloucester Cathedral*

When we study the succession of post-conquest English kings, we often forget that England might not be their primary interest. This may be the reason that William the Conqueror groomed his eldest son to inherit the Dukedom of Normandy and gave the English crown to a younger brother. Or was it because Robert, surnamed Curthose was a bit of a wastrel and couldn’t be depended on to manage his tempestuous new conquest?

Robert does not present a very appealing picture. He is described as short and fat with a heavy face, but at the same time it is said he was a powerful warrior, generous and bold and likeable. However, as in the case of Henry II and his eldest son Henry the Young King, poor Robert was given Normandy as his inheritance, but not allowed to rule or even receive any revenue with which to pay his followers. Nor did William share any of the spoils of his new kingdom of England with his eldest son. William expected him to be content with an empty title and bide his time until William was ready to die.

Robert had other ideas and bitterly reproached his father, to no avail. Finally, frustrated, impoverished, he surrounded himself with his friends who were also sons of nobles and wandered hither and yon; he invoked aid from William’s tempestuous underlords and waged rebellion against his father. There is no doubt that he was also helped by the King of France, who was always ready to wreak havoc with William. Finally, the French King permitted Robert to occupy the castle of Gerberol on the borders of Normandy and France, and William had to take a firm stand against his errant son. Laying siege to the castle in 1079, William received his first ever wound, unluckily by the hand of his own son. At the same moment, an arrow killed William’s horse and he fell to the ground, expecting to receive the final death blow; lucky for him William was saved by a loyal Englishman who gave up his own life. In the fighting that followed, even William Rufus was wounded defending his father, and the Conqueror retreated, leaving the victory to his rebellious son.

*Robert Curthose asking his father for Forgiveness, drawing from Cassell’s History of England*

Humiliated, William retreated to Rouen and the rebellious Robert, perhaps in remorse, took his followers and passed over to Flanders. Although William was incensed, he listened to the arguments of the nobles in Normandy, many of whom were fathers of Robert’s companions. They urged him to reconcile and he eventually agreed, receiving his son and friends and renewing the succession, as before.

When William the Conqueror died in 1087, Robert and William II made an agreement to be each other’s heir, but this arrangement was short-lived and the wily Norman barons sought to get rid of the stronger brother (the King of England) in favor of the weaker brother they thought they could control. In the following year, the rebel Barons fortified their castles in England. Led by William the Conqueror’s elder half-brothers Odo of Bayeux and Robert Count of Mortain, they marched against William Rufus in the expectation that Robert would bring supporters from Normandy and join their forces. Alas for them, bad weather forced Robert back across the channel and the rebellion collapsed.

In 1096, Robert went on Crusade, not to return until five years later – too late to stop his younger brother Henry from taking the crown of England on the death of William II. He led an invasion that came to nothing, and eventually annoyed Henry so much that the new King of England invaded Normandy instead, capturing Robert in 1106 and imprisoning him for the rest of his life. Robert lived in captivity another 28 years and died in his early 80s.

English Earldoms of 1045

Posted on October 13, 2012 | by Mercedes Rochelle | 2 Comments

This map was scanned from Edward A. Freeman’s History of the Norman Conquest of England. I found it in the Appendix of Volume 2 and I thought it was very helpful since a picture is worth a thousand words, as they say… doubly so for maps!

I hope you can read this map through all the rivers and towns (click on it to make the map a little wider); if you would like to see a larger version, drop me a line and I’ll send it to you. These are the earldoms at the height of Edward the Confessor’s reign; the shifting of borders and earldoms was quite fluid during Edward’s reign, and this is a snapshot of the situation right before Swegn’s first exile.

These earldoms can be traced back to the great division during Canute’s reign, when he partitioned the kingdom into four great earldoms. Wessex, the most important, was originally retained by the King then given over to Godwine in 1020. Mercia was given to Eadric (which only lasted until 1017), passed to Leofwine then to Leofric. East Anglia was given to Thurkill (banished in 1021) and eventually passed on to Harold Godwineson. The last, Northumbria, was given to Eric and eventually passed on to Siward the Strong.

Originally, Mercia stretched from east to west across the whole country from Bristol to Barton on the Humber. As time progressed and the great earldom was dismembered, as Mr. Freeman suggests, it is unclear whether the smaller partitions were totally independent earldoms or whether they were subordinate to the Earl of Mercia.

Apparently both Harold and Beorn were given their earldoms in 1045. Beorn was the son of Ulf and Estrith, sister of Canute who was later married to Robert of Normandy. Was this the connection that inspired Edward to make him an earl? I found it interesting to see how Siward’s earldom was broken up by Beorn’s and how Beorn’s earldom was broken up by Siward’s. Poor Beorn was the same who was murdered by Swegn Godwineson, but that was a few years later.

You can see Ralph’s earldom next to Swegn’s; this is the same Ralph of Mantes who was nephew of King Edward. When Swegn was exiled in 1046, Ralph’s earldom was expanded to encompass Hereford, where he was resoundly trounced by Gruffydd ap Llewelyn and the errant Aelfgar (son of Earl Leofric) in 1055. Ralph died two years later.

During the reign of Edward, it’s not much of an exaggeration to say that the “big three” – Godwine, Leofric, and Siward held most of the influence with (or against) the king, depending on the situation. It’s interesting to see how Edward played one off against the other.

Return of Earl Godwine, 1052

Posted on March 8, 2012 | by Mercedes Rochelle | 4 Comments

*Cambridge Univ. Ee.3.59 The Life of King Edward the Confessor 12v*

Earl Godwine may have had a humiliating experience finding himself exiled in the fall of 1051, but by many accounts his absence made the Saxons appreciate him like never before. King Edward the Confessor, ever more at home in Normandy than England, surrounded himself with Nobles and Prelates from his adopted land who proceeded to lord it over the Saxons as though they were a conquered people. Before the following winter was over, Godwine was encouraged by many requests for his return, and by summer he concluded that the time was right to reclaim his earldom.

Most likely he sent messages to Harold and Leofwine in Ireland, who finally set sail in nine borrowed ships loaded with mercenaries. Landing at Porlock in the Bristol channel for supplies, Harold met with fierce local resistance and a battle ensued that killed 30 Saxon thegns and their troops. Harold plundered the immediate area then boarded again, rounding Land’s end and heading for the Isle of Wight to meet up with his father.

Meanwhile, Godwine was headed across the Channel, keeping an eye out for the King’s fleet that he had been warned about. At the same time, one of those wicked Channel storms blew up, dispersed the Royal fleet and pushed Godwine back to Flanders. As it turned out, this was a lucky break because the King was unable to reassemble his ships and crews. So Edward’s undermanned fleet stayed in London while Godwine reunited with Harold and made his triumphant way up the Thames. Since Wessex was his own earldom, men flocked to his standard, and by the time he reached London at low tide and dropped anchor on the Southwark side, Godwine’s enthusiastic following had taken the spirit out of the King’s defenders. No one wanted a civil war just to support the overbearing Normans surrounding the King.

When the tide came in, Godwine’s party weighed anchor and traveled under London Bridge unopposed, making their way to Westminster where the King was waiting. Godwine sent messengers to Edward, asking him to return everything that had been taken from him and restore his rights legally. Hoping to find a way out of this mess, Edward prevaricated until Godwine’s followers became restive and the Earl had great difficulty keeping them under control. This was no good! Bishop Stigand finally came out and negotiated with his old friend; it was agreed that the King and the Earl of Wessex would meet at a great Witan Gemot the following day and restore peace.

As soon as the Normans saw which way the wind was blowing, they decided to make a run for it. I have this vision of Norman soldiers bursting out of the city in every direction, among them Archbishop Robert of Jumièges, Godwine’s bitter enemy. He and his followers were said to have cut their way through the crowd and out by the east gate of London, leaving a trail of dead and wounded victims. Worst of all, it appears that they abducted Godwine’s son and grandson, which might be the explanation why their departure was so violent; perhaps the Earl’s men were trying to stop the kidnapping. Alas for poor Godwine, the hostages given in good faith ended up as pawns in Duke William’s hands, and Godwine would never see his youngest son again.

Regardless, the great gathering was held the following day outside the walls of London, where the people and the other Earls gathered to welcome the return of their hero. Godwine laid his axe at the King’s feet and declared his homage, and while the crowd cheered their acclaim he and Edward exchanged the kiss of peace. Godwine was restored all that had been taken from him, the charges were put aside, and amnesty was declared for any ills that had taken place the last three months. Archbishop Robert was deprived of his post and declared outlaw. And lastly, “Good law was decreed for all folk” (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle).

Death of Earl Godwine by William Blake: Wikimedia

Alas, Godwine was not destined to enjoy his triumph for long. The events had taken their toll on his health and he soon fell seriously ill. Within the year he was dead; while feasting at the King’s table he was seized by a powerful convulsion and fell insensible, never to waken again.

You can read more about this in GODWINE KINGMAKER.

Exile of Earl Godwine, 1051

Posted on January 22, 2012 | by Mercedes Rochelle | 6 Comments

*Cambridge MS Ee.3.59 The Life of King Edward the Confessor*

By the middle of the eleventh century, Earl Godwine might have seemed pretty much at the height of his power. His daughter was married to King Edward, Godwine himself held the most important Earldom in England and his second son Harold was Earl of East Anglia. He had more strapping sons awaiting their turn for the next vacant earldoms.

But on closer inspection, things were not quite right. By 1051, it was apparent that Queen Edith was not likely to give birth to an heir, thus reducing her own and Godwine’s influence. Swegn, Godwine’s eldest son, had shamed the family by his outrageous behavior, then committed the heinous crime of murdering his own cousin. And to make matters worse, King Edward was surrounding himself with powerful Norman allies and churchmen. This culminated in the appointment of Robert of Jumieges as Archbishop of Canterbury against Godwine’s and the local monks’ approved choice. Archbishop Robert immediately launched into a campaign against Godwine, accusing him of stealing church property. Then he moved onto the old accusation of Godwine’s alleged role in the tragic death of the King’s brother Alfred. It didn’t take much to stir up Edward’s simmering resentment.

Things came to a head when Eustace, Count of Boulogne, visited King Edward in September, 1051. On his return trip, he and his men attempted to force the residents of Dover to give them lodging in their homes, just as they were used to in their native country. The stout Dover townsmen resisted, one was killed in his home, a Frenchman was killed in return, and the intruders mounted their steeds and plunged through the town, slashing and maiming whoever got in their way. The townspeople resisted, turning the incident into a full-fledged skirmish. When all was done twenty English and nineteen Frenchmen lay dead on the streets.

*Attack on Dover, llustration by Edouard Zier from a History of England, 1903*

Eustace turned around at full gallop and took his remaining men back to King Edward at Gloucester, demanding justice. Enraged, the King summoned Earl Godwine and insisted that he immediately chastise the offending town with fire and sword. This was putting the king above the law, and Godwine refused, insisting on a full trial. Then, having had his say, he retreated to his estate, leaving the King securely in the hands of the Normans. It didn’t take long before Godwine’s refusal to obey the King was construed as traitorous.

One thing led to another, and by the end of the month the tide was turning against Godwine. Edward summoned the other great earls of the land to support him against Godwine’s family; ultimately the King commanded Godwine and Harold to appear and answer charges. Godwine only agreed to do so if the King issued a safe-conduct. Edward refused.

Godwine knew there was no hope for his cause, at least for the moment. He had apparently been preparing for such an eventuality, because much of his treasure had already been loaded on a ship, and he quickly left the country along with most of his family. Their destination was Flanders, a common refuge for English exiles and home of Count Baldwin, brother of Tostig’s new bride. On a different ship, Harold and his younger brother Leofwine took sail for Ireland, where they were well-received by Dermot, King of Dublin and Leinster.

Poor Queen Edith, caught between father and husband, was quickly trundled off to a convent and deprived of all her goods, real and personal. Did Edward think this was going to be permanent? Elated at his successful coup, apparently he wanted to make the most of it. But his freedom from Godwine was destined not to last.

Death of William the Conqueror

Posted on September 8, 2011 | by Mercedes Rochelle | 2 Comments

*‘William receives a fatal hurt at Mantes’ by James William Edmund Doyle in “A Chronicle of England: B.C. 55 – A.D. 1485”*

William the Conqueror was not likely to be a person who mellowed-out in his final days. His temper was still quick to anger and he did not hesitate to lay waste to his enemies’ lands at the slightest provocation. He had become excessively fat, and it was said that his antagonist King Philip of France made an insulting comment about William’s bulk that enraged the Norman, who swore to take revenge. And he did.

In England, the year 1087 was full of famine, pestilence and fire. On the continent, William added his own devastation to the Vexin (the border between France and Normandy) and took especial aim at the town of Mantes, which he destroyed totally. On August 15, as he was encouraging his men to throw more wood on the flames, his horse stumbled, throwing William hard against his saddle pommel.

The injury turned out to be mortal. Reeling from shock, William was removed to nearby Rouen where he was housed in the priory of Saint Gervase. There he lingered for several weeks in sickness and pain surrounded by the Bishops and Abbots of the land, and according to Orderic he repented of his evil ways and even admitted that he had wrongly invaded England. He is said to have especially regretted the Great Harrying of the North.

On a Thursday morning in September, William breathed his last. Already, his heir William Rufus and younger brother Henry were already gone, on their way to claim their own—William the crown and Henry his 5000 pounds. As William expired, the remaining prelates and nobles scattered to the four winds, intent on protecting their homes and possessions. All feared the anarchy that would inevitably settle on the land until law could be reestablished. Once the coast was clear, even William’s servants set about stripping the body and the room of all its trappings, so that the corpse was left practically naked and all alone on the floor of his chamber for a whole day.

*Death of William the Conqueror, Engraving By J Gilbert from L’univers Illustre, Published June 1863*

Finally, a single rustic knight by the name of Herlwin volunteered to take charge of collecting, washing and preparing the body for its funeral—at his own cost. As they brought William’s corpse through Rouen and thence to Caen, the funeral cortege was swelled by local prelates and laymen, who brought the body to the Abbey of St. Stephen. But even then William was not allowed to proceed in peace; just as happened on his coronation day, a fire broke out in a nearby house and many of the attendees ran off to fight the blaze as it spread through the town.

And that was not the end of William’s indignities. When the bier was brought into the church, a local knight rose up and asserted that William had stolen the land from his family to build this church, and he forbid that “the body of the robber be covered with my mould, or that he be buried within the bounds of my inheritance” (Orderic). His statement raised a great tumult, until finally William’s youngest son Henry and the prelates in attendance agreed to pay the knight 60 shillings for the seven feet of ground to lay the coffin, and furthermore to pledge the purchase-price of the whole estate, which they later paid.

Once the disturbance was over, they proceeded to move the body to the stone coffin, only to discover that the coffin was too small! There was no recourse except to stuff the awesome bulk into the stone box. But the process proved too much for the flesh and the body burst apart, filling the cathedral with such a stench that they rushed through the rest of the ceremony. And so the great king was left to spend his eternity alone and abandoned, but certainly never forgotten.

Waltheof, Last Saxon Earl

Posted on August 9, 2011 | by Mercedes Rochelle | Leave a Comment

From The Book Cassell's History Of England Volume I — From Cassell’s History Of England Volume I

Earl Waltheof’s foray into the history books was unlucky and unhappy. From beginning to end, it seems like he was in the wrong place at the wrong time and never managed to live up to his destiny.

Waltheof was the younger son of Earl Siward, who died when Waltheof was only 10 years old. His older brother Osbeorn was killed in the battle of Dunsinane, and his father died the following year. Because of his extreme youth, the earldom was given instead to Tostig Godwineson, and it is possible that Waltheof received a monastic education in the interim. It wasn’t until the Northumbrian revolt of 1065 that Waltheof was granted the southern part of the earldom, or Middle Anglia, and he was given the title Earl of Huntingdon.

By all indications, Waltheof was not involved in the Battle of Hastings since he retained his earldom after 1066. He may have briefly served as a hostage for William the Conqueror; perhaps this is where he met Eadgar Aetheling and chose to champion his cause in the last of four Northumbrian uprisings in 1069. By then, Eadgar had fled to Malcolm III’s court in Scotland, and together Eadgar, Waltheof and a party of disgruntled thanes met with an invading force of Danes and destroyed the Norman garrison in York. Waltheof’s exploits in beheading the fleeing Normans with his great axe have been recorded alongside his warlike ancestors.

Alas, the raiding party could not organize a defence against the wrathful King William, who Harried the North in a devastating scorched earth reprisal that scattered his enemies and forced Waltheof to submit to his mercy. For the moment, Luck was with the earl, for William gave him a second chance and even married him to his own niece Judith (though perhaps Waltheof’s Norman wife was placed to keep an eye on him). After two years Waltheof was made the first earl of Northumberland (not to be confused with Northumbria which was much larger) and reigned from 1072-1075.

Unfortunately, Waltheof managed to get himself involved with an ill-fated Revolt of the Earls, thought better of it and rushed to confess his role to William. The Norman King seemed to forgive him in face of his timely confession, and William finished off the other Earls and made short work of the revolt. However, an untimely appearance of another Danish fleet in the Humber must have given William pause, and he kept Waltheof in close confinement. Alas for Waltheof, his wife Judith publicly accused him of complicity and after several months he was declared a traitor and sentenced to be beheaded.

The last Saxon earl was executed May 31, 1076 on St. Giles Hill, Winchester. In an excess of piety and atonement, Waltheof threw himself on his knees and burst into prayer. It was said that the executioner got tired of waiting for him to finish and struck off his head while in the midst of the last sentence. Witnesses swear that his severed head finished with “but deliver us from evil. Amen” clearly and distinctly. It wasn’t long before the unhappy Saxons started to treat him like a Saint.

But all did not end with Waltheof’s execution. He was survived by a daughter Matilda, who eventually married David, King of Scotland and son of Malcolm III. From this marriage came the Earls of Huntingdon, as well as her grandsons, Malcolm IV and William I of Scotland.

As for William the Conqueror, it is said that his good fortune ended with the wrongful execution of Earl Waltheof. From then on, William conquered no more, and the last decade of his life proved to be unhappy and fruitless.

Harold Godwineson in Normandy 1064

Posted on July 28, 2011 | by Mercedes Rochelle | 18 Comments

*Harold Swears an Oath, Colour-printed wood engraving by James Doyle. Source: Wikimedia*

Harold’s ill-fated trip to Normandy has sparked much debate among historians. Why did he go? How much damage did it cause? One thing is certain: Harold and William were far from strangers by the time they met on the battlefield of Hastings.

It is thought by some that Harold was on a fishing trip in the English Channel when a sudden rain squall blew his boat all the way to Ponthieu in 1064. Count Guy, as was his right, took Harold hostage and was apparently quite put out when Duke William showed up shortly thereafter and demanded that he give Harold up. A proverbial case of From the Frying Pan Into The Fire! Once Harold was the unwilling guest of Duke William, he knew he wasn’t going to get out of there without some painful concessions.

Norman chroniclers favor the story that King Edward sent Earl Harold to Normandy to confirm his choice of William as heir to the English throne. The obvious argument against this legend is that King Edward had no legal right to appoint his successor. Although the king’s last wishes were always considered, the final decision was with the Witan, the king’s council. I don’t think this alleged promise was common knowledge in England—if it happened at all. It is far from certain that William visited England in 1052 (while Godwine was in exile). If this didn’t happen in 1052 and William’s plans were not common knowledge, there is a possibility that Harold didn’t know about William’s aspirations to the crown until he visited the ducal court.

There are other explanations about Harold’s intentions. It has been theorized that he was sounding the opposition, so to speak, for his own bid to the throne. But in 1064 King Edward was in good health and Edgar Aetheling, the true heir, was being raised at the royal court. The motivation that makes the most sense to me is the possibility that he went to Normandy in an attempt to secure the release of his brother Wulfnoth and his nephew Hakon, held hostage since around 1052. Alas, even this attempt failed (only Hakon was released) and ironically Wulfnoth’s isolation probably protected him from the same fate as his brothers.

*William the Conqueror, British School c.1618-20, Dulwich Picture Gallery, Source: Wikipedia*

Harold’s stay at William’s court was protracted and cordial – at least on the surface. During this time, Duke William led a punitive expedition against Conan of Brittany, taking Harold with him and fighting side-by-side with the famous Saxon Earl. The Bayeux Tapestry shows a scene where Harold wades into quicksand to save two Norman soldiers from certain death. After the siege of Dinan, William gave Harold arms and weapons and knighted him for his valor.

Nonetheless, once Harold became William’s man—so to speak—it was time for him to return home. But one final concession had to happen first: the great oath. In front of all the Norman barons, Harold was obliged to swear an oath to support William’s claim to the English throne (against his own interests, even then), swear to secure the castle of Dover for William (not likely!), to marry one of William’s daughters. Knowing this was his only way out, Harold duly swore the oath knowing that under duress, many an oath was often considered invalid. However, William was too smart to be outwitted; just to make it stick, he secretly laid the bones of Normandy’s saints beneath a tablecloth on which stood the bible. Once the pledge was sworn, the tablecloth was whisked off and Harold was aghast that he had just sworn a false oath on holy relics.

The consequences of Harold’s oathbreaking were grim indeed; William used this event to help win the pope’s approbation for his conquest of England. When the Duke unfurled his banner at the Battle of Hastings, he placed the Pope’s banner alongside for all to see. The Normans went so far as to declare that God had turned against Harold’s kingdom and shown his favor to the invaders. I would think that Harold still felt a sting of guilt, regardless. Even his brother Gyrth is said to have offered to lead the army at Hastings since he wasn’t bound by any oath, but Harold scornfully rejected the idea.

One thing is for sure; as a consequence of this ill-fated voyage, both Harold and William knew how their future opponent would conduct himself on the battlefield. Harold would have returned to England a much wiser man and better prepared for the future; too bad he couldn’t change the course of his destiny.

Tostig and Stamfordbridge

Posted on June 24, 2011 | by Mercedes Rochelle | 5 Comments

*by Peter Nicolai Arbo, source, Wikipedia*

By many accounts, the blame for Harold Godwineson’s failure to stop William’s invasion can be laid on his brother Tostig’s shoulders. What might have started as sibling rivalry seems to have evolved into jealousy, then resentment turned into recrimination, and finally a desire for revenge seems to have swept aside all other considerations…even the safety of the country.

By most accounts, Tostig was likeable if headstrong; he knew what he wanted but could be overzealous in enforcing his will. He ruled the difficult Northumbrians for ten years before things got out of hand, and it is probable that the final uprising was due to his new taxation measures, partially to pay for the Welsh campaign of 1062. Tostig had participated in support of his brother Harold, but the campaign was of no real interest to the Northumbrians who probably resented having to fund it.

The end of his rule was violent and final, and Tostig was horrified that his brother Harold was unwilling to support him. Accusations of treachery were tossed about, and Tostig left the country vowing revenge. In a previous post I followed his movements for the next year, and by the time they met face-to-face on the battlefield, the brothers were irreparably sundered.

However, I’m not so sure that Tostig is the total bad guy he was portrayed as. According to Snorri Sturluson in Heimskringla, at Stamfordbridge when Harold Godwineson approached the Danish army (in disguise) to offer his brother all of Northumberland and a third of the kingdom to share, Tostig turned him down. “That is an offer different from the one of last winter, when I was shown contempt and hostility. If it had been made then, many a man would be alive who is dead now, and the king’s power in England would stand on firmer ground…” He said that he would not have the Vikings claim that he forsook Hardrada to join his enemies, and that “Rather shall we all resolve to die with honor or else win England and victory.”

*Window with portrait of Harald in Lerwick Town Hall, Shetland. SOURCE: Wikipedia*

This is also the moment when Harold offered to give Hardrada, in turn, “seven feet of English soil or so much more, as he is taller than other men.” The Norwegian King apparently did not take offense, because as the messengers were riding away, he asked Tostig “Who was that man who spoke so well?” When Tostig told him it his was brother Harold the King, Hardrada chided him for not revealing the stranger’s identity when he would be such an easy target.

But Tostig would not have it so: “I saw that he wished to offer me peace and much power and that I would be the cause of his death if I told who he was. But I would rather that he slay me than I him.” Sounds to me more like a man resigned to his fate rather than a vicious betrayer. Hardrada turned to his men and said, “A little man that was, and proudly he stood in his stirrups.”

Harold Hardrada fell first with an arrow in the throat, and Tostig Godwineson raised the King’s banner over him while both sides reformed their lines. Once more, Harold Godwineson offered a reprieve to Tostig and all Vikings who were still alive, but “the Norwegians all shouted together and said they would rather fall one upon the other than accept quarter from the English…” And that is the last mention Snorri gives of Tostig.

It’s very unpopular to defend Tostig Godwineson, but I keep wondering if he was a bit misunderstood. He always seemed to be in his brother’s shadow, and his misguided attempt to come out on top can be appreciated by many younger siblings who are not the favorite child.

Preface for HEIR TO A PROPHECY by Mercedes Rochelle

Posted on May 17, 2011 | by Mercedes Rochelle | Leave a Comment

It is of legends that I write in this story, rather than facts; for after almost a thousand years of history, what can we call truth out of the tiny scraps that survived? When men claimed descent from a bear, and people believed that dragons roamed the earth, who is to say what is fact and what is fancy? Hence, with this thought in mind, I give you the origin of the royal Stewarts, as it was handed down to Shakespeare.

It all began with the witches’ prophecy.

Macbeth’s friend Banquo was with him when the three witches appeared on the heath – strange, weird creatures with seductive words.

“All hail, Macbeth!” the first had said, “Hail to thee, Thane of Glamis!” – calling him by his true title.

“All hail, Macbeth!” quoth the second, “Hail to thee, Thane of Cawdor!” – giving him a title belonging to another.

“All hail, Macbeth,” cried the third, “that shalt be King hereafter!” – giving voice to his secret desire.

Macbeth did not know it yet, but the second witch had spoken the truth; already King Duncan had declared the Thane of Cawdor traitor, and awarded the title to Macbeth for his courage in battle.

Then the witches spoke their prophecy to Banquo. They said:

“Lesser than Macbeth, and greater.”

“Not so happy, yet much happier.”

“Thou shalt ‘get kings, though thou be none.”

The witches vanished, leaving the pair with gladsome prospects.

All might have gone well, but Macbeth’s ambitions were too strong to wait for chance to bring them about. King Duncan’s life stood in his way; before long, King Duncan was murdered. The true heirs, Malcolm and Donald Bain, fled the country, thus leaving the throne empty for Macbeth to mount.

Only Banquo had reason to suspect that Macbeth was the murderer.

As of yet, however, good Banquo showed no signs of betraying his friend’s secret. But as time went on, the king brooded – hating him – begrudging Banquo’s every breath.

It really wasn’t treachery Macbeth suspected; rather, his anger had sprung from the futility of his own position. Although he was king, he had thrown away his peace of mind – jeopardized his very soul – so that Banquo’s heirs would sit on the throne he had bought so dearly.

Having gone so far, there was only one thing to do. Banquo had to be dealt with…and his son, Fleance. To that end, Macbeth ordered a great feast to be prepared, and commanded their presence as guests of honor…

(Hence my story. Shakespeare did not pursue the Banquo/Fleance theme, because I believe it was common knowledge in post-Elizabethan England that Banquo was the ancestor of James I Stewart. This is how it began…)

Battle of Fulford 1066

Posted on April 30, 2011 | by Mercedes Rochelle | 2 Comments

*Source: dariusz-bufnal-imaging-battles.blogspot.com*

The battle of Stamfordbridge is well-known as the turning point in King Harold’s fortunes. But if it wasn’t for a lesser known battle that had taken place just a week before, Harold might not have fared as well: the Battle of Fulford was fought with great loss of life on both sides. And Harald Hardraada was the winner, though his forces were somewhat depleted. In a year packed full of great events, the Battle of Fulford seems to have sunk into obscurity, yet its importance cannot be underestimated.

Fulford is, very literally, a ford on the River Ouse just south of York. There may or may not have been a village nearby that found itself to be the host of an unwelcome invasion of Norsemen. They sailed up the Humber to the Ouse and finally anchored their fleet of 300 ships at Ricall a short march away. Because the invaders started at Scarborough and pillaged their way south, Earl Morcar of Northumbria and his brother Edwin of Mercia had enough notice to assemble their armies and block the way to York, though many said later that they should have waited for King Harold to arrive.

The ford was Morcar’s choosing, with good ground on the defenders’ side and marsh on the other side of the river. The Anglo-Saxon army lined up their shield wall about 1000 men wide and five ranks deep, facing about 6000 Norsemen, including Tostig and his small force. Around mid-day the invaders launched their attack, crossing the ford and assaulting the shield wall in many places.

Eventually, the English were drawn downhill and across the river, and as the fierce fighting continued for hours, the wily Hardraada managed to send a sizeable contingent secretly around Morcar’s flank. Suddenly the Northumbrians found themselves beset on three sides, and the shield wall started to break down as men were forced to turn and defend their rear. The English were forced to retreat – Edwin back to York, and Morcar east toward Heslington. The Norse had won the day, though loss of life was considered exceptionally high, even for such a violent age. It was said that the English had lost a third of their men, and the Norwegians at least a quarter.

Harald Hardraada and Tostig entered York but did not sack the city; Harald had come as a conqueror, not a marauder. The city came to terms and agreed to exchange 150 hostages with Harald. The ensuing four days were taken up with caring for the dead and wounded, repairing weapons and armor, arranging hostages and preparing for York’s formal submission to its new ruler. On the fifth day after Fulford, Harold Godwineson burst upon the scene, taking Hardraada totally by surprise at Stamfordbridge. Had the Norwegian king been less complacent and more prepared for battle, things might have gone differently.

If you’d like more information on this battle, there is an excellent book called The Forgotten Battle of 1066 Fulford by Charles Jones.